CROATIA AND CROATS IN 'THE NEW YORK TIMES'
Following is a booklet entitled "Croatia and Croats in 'The New York Times'" by
the Croatian Anti-Calumny Project, and transcribed here with their kind permission.
CACP
333 East 34th Street No.21
New York
New York 10016
June 1994
Four Recurring
Problems in New York Times Reporting on Croatia
by Zlatko Batistich
Revised version of an October 13, 1993 essay submitted to The New York Times
Four Recurring problems in New York Times reporting on the
situation in Croatian are: (1) implied acceptance of the Yugoslav government's explanation
of the causes of the war; (2) unbalanced selection of quotations; (3) unbalanced reporting
of recent attacks; and, (4) unbalanced presentation of relevant history. A recent New York
Times article provides examples of each type of problem - "Croatia: The Once and
Future Battleground?" by S. Kinzer, October 10, 1993 (referred to as the sample
article).
1. Implied acceptance of the Yugoslav government's
explanation of the war
Examples from the sample article:
a. "In 1991... Serbs in Croatia rose in rebellion
against the new Croatian government."
b. "Their resolve to stay independent was stiffened last month after a Croatian Army
attack near the town of Medak."
The above quotations suggest that the writer accepts the
Yugoslav government's explanation of the causes of the current war. According to this
explanation, Serbs in Croatia rebelled against the new Croatian government because of fear
that they would be oppressed. They sought independence in reaction to an alleged threat
from the Croatian government.
In the Croat view and in the view of many in the
international community, the war has different causes. In this view, through popular
elections Croats lawfully rejected the communist system in favor of democratic reforms.
The war began when Serb leaders in Belgrade sought to keep Croatia and the other former
Yugoslav republics within a Serb-dominated Yugoslavia. The attempt to hold on to Slovenia
failed. In Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, however, they succeeded in taking large
among of territory often by means of genocide. Under this view, the occupation of one
third of Croatia is not the result of a Serb rebellion "helped" by the Yugoslav
Army, but of the Yugoslav government's failed attempt to keep Croatia within Yugoslavia by
means of (1) local proxies and (2) the Yugoslav Army. The sample article implicitly
rejects this view.
2. Unbalanced selection of quotations
Examples from the sample article:
Quotation of Slobodan Jarcevic
Quotation of Goran Hadzic (as told to a Belgrade newspaper)
Quotation of Slobodan Milosevic
Quotation of Cedric Thornberry
Quotation of UN report
Quotation of General Jean Cot
Quotation of un-named European ambassador
The article quotes three Serbian leaders, two UN officials,
a UN report and un-named European ambassador. While the article is about the situation in
Croatia, it does not quote even one Croat. As in previous articles, the story of the
situation in Croatia is thus told principally in the words of non-Croatians, often Serbs.
The writer's assertions about the views and intentions of Croats or Croat leaders are not
supported by any actual quotations, raising the possibility that the writer did not speak
with any Croats in preparing the article, or simply decided not to quote them.
3. Unbalanced reporting of recent attacks
Examples from the sample article:
a. Serbs refused to give up their tanks and artillery and
have not allowed the return of a single refugee."
b. "... U.N. investigators concluded that the Croats had followed a carefully planned
scorched earth policy... Bodies were 'riddled with multiple bullet wounds or
incinerated."
c. "Serbian fears have been reinforced by the behavior of Croatian forces fighting in
central Bosnia."
From the above, it appears that while Serbs only failed to
allow the return of refugees, Croats committed mass murder. The article makes no mention
of the mass killing of Croat civilians by Serbs which led to the occupation of nearly
one-third of Croatia, or of the frequent attacks by Serbs against civilian targets
resulting in the deaths of hundreds of Croats since the ceasefire of January, 1992. The
author makes it a point to highlight one alleged Croat attack on Serbs in a particular
town, but seems to be unaware of any of the attacks against Croats in and around
Serb-occupied areas of Croatia. While mentioning purported fears of the Krajina Serbs, the
article gives little or no indication of the very real fears among people in the areas
subject to their attacks, of the constant threat to Croatia's security, or of the
resulting harm to Croatia's economy.
4. Unbalanced presentation of relevant history
Example from the sample article:
"And history is not comforting. Between 1941 and 1945,
the pro- Nazi Ustashe regime that ruled Croatia was responsible for killing tens of
thousands of Serb civilians."
The article finds atrocities committed against Serbs some
fifty years ago to be relevant in explaining the present situation. Yet it does not find
atrocities committed against Croats by the Serbian regime in the last two and half years
to be worth mentioning. It also does not mention the fact that, during World War II,
Serbian Chetniks and Serbia's pro-Nazi Nedic regime participated in the mass murder of
Croats, Muslims and Jews. The article explains alleged Serbian fears of a democratically
elected Croatian government partly by reference to a puppet government that existed during
World War II. At the same time, the article fails to explain Croatia's desire to defend
itself against the regime in Belgrade today, which has not only resurrected despicable
ideas of ethnic purity, but has acted on them violently.
These four types of problems occur regularly in New York
Times reporting on the situation in Croatia. As in the sample article, such problems often
result in a misleading or one-sided representation of current events in Croatia.
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