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GREATER SERBIA
from Ideology to Aggression
Ilija Garasanin
Nacertanije (1844)
One of first outlines of Serbian territorial aspirations on
the Balkans
The "Nacertanije" is the first written treatise to outline Serbian territorial
aims on the Balkans, as well as their "historical right" to assume a leadership
position in that part of Europe. It was written in 1844 by Ilija Garasanin, who was at the
time serving as Minister of Internal Affairs of Serbia in the government of King Alexander
Karadordevic.
Ilija Garasanin (1812-1874) was very active in Serbian public life in the 19th century. He
held many government posts, including Minister of Internal Affairs, Foreign Minister and
Prime Minister, under both King Alexander Karadordevic as well as King Milos Obrenovic. As
one of the most prominent Serbian statesmen of the time, he was very influential in
shaping Serbian politics and policies.
What follows are some of the key points of his political program to empower Serbia.
* * *
Serbia must place herself in the ranks of the other European states, creating a plan for
her future to compose, so to speak, a domestic policy to whose principles she should
firmly adhere over a fixed period of time, and according to which she should govern
herself and decide all her affairs.
Activity and agitation among the Slavs has already begun and will, indeed, never cease.
Serbia must understand this movement as well as the role which she must play within it.
If Serbia ponders what she is now, the position in which she finds herself and the kind of
people that surround her, she is confronted with the undeniable fact that she is small and
cannot long remain so. Only through alliance with other surrounding peoples can she solve
her future problems.
With these factors in mind, a plan may be constructed which does not limit Serbia to her
present borders, but endeavors to absorb all the Serbian people around her.
If Serbia does not faithfully pursue this policy, and, worse still, rejects it, failing to
arrange her problems by a well- ordered plan, she will be buffetted back and forth like a
small vessel by the cross currents of every alien tempest until finally she will be dashed
to bits on some unsuspected reef.
The Serbian state must strive to expand and become stronger; its roots and foundation are
firmly embedded in the Serbian Empire of the 13th and 14th centuries and the glorious
pageant of Serbian history. Historically speaking, the Serbian rulers, it may be
remembered, began to assume the position held by the Greek Empire and almost succeeded in
making an end of it, replacing the collapsed Eastern Roman Empire with a Serbian-Slavic
one. Emperor Dusan the Mighty had even adopted the crest of the Greek Empire. The arrival
of the Turks in the Balkans interrupted this change, and prevented it from taking place
for a long time. But now, since the Turkish power is broken and destroyed, so to speak,
this process must commence once more in the same spirit and again be undertaken in the
knowledge of that right.
The sub-structure and framework of the Serbian Empire, therefore, must be cleared of all
encumbrances so that a new edifice may be constructed on this solid and durable historical
foundation. Such an enterprise would be endowed with inestimable importance and great
prestige among European cabinets, as well as in the eyes of its own people; for then we
Serbs could appear before that world as the heirs of our illustrious forefathers, doing
nothing that is new other than completing their work. Hence our present will not be
without a link to the past and will comprise one dependent, integrated, and systematic
whole. Thus, the Serbian Idea and its national mission and existence will stand under the
sacred law of history. Our aspirations will not be reproached as something novel and
untried, that they signify revolution and rebellion; but all must acknowledge that this is
politically necessary, grounded in past ages, and originating in the state and national
life of the Serbian people whose roots continually send forth branches to blossom anew.
If we consider the rebirth of the Serbian kingdom from those standpoints, then others will
easily understand the South Slav idea and accept it with joy; for probably in no single
European country is the memory of the historical past so vivid as among the Slavs of
Turkey, for whom the recollection of the celebrated events of their history is especially
cherished and fondly remembered. . .
The Serbs were the first, of all the Slavs of Turkey, to struggle for their freedom with
their own resources and strength; therefore, they have the first and foremost right to
further direct this endeavor. Even now in many places, and in certain European cabinets,
it is anticipated and expected that a great future is imminent for the Serbs, and it is
this fact which has attracted the attention of Europe. If Serbia is thought of as merely a
principality, the nucleus of a future Serbian kingdom, then the world need not concern
itself any more than it did with the Moldavian and Wallachian principalities where there
is no independent principle and whom it considers Russian satellites.
A new Serbian state in the south could give Europe every guarantee that it would be
orderly and strong, and able to maintain itself between Austria and Russia. The geographic
position of the country, its topography, abundance of natural resources, the martial
spirit of its inhabitants, their elevated and fiery national feeling, and linguistic and
ethnic homogeneity of all contribute to a sense of permanency and a promising future.
In order to determine what we can accomplish, and how we are to proceed, the government
must know the particular conditions and circumstances of the peoples residing in the
surrounding provinces.
It is especially necessary to be informed on developments in Bosnia, Herzegovina,
Montenegro, and northern Albania. At the same time the exact situation in Slavonia,
Croatia and Dalmatia must be understood and, of course into this category fall Srem,
Banat, and Backa as well.
When we take into a closer consideration the topography, geographic position and military
tradition of these countries and their inhabitants, together with their mentality and ways
of thinking, we well easily come to the conclusion that this is the part of Turkey upon
which Serbia can exert the greatest influence. The determination and organization of this
influence seems to us to be the main task of Serbian policy in Turkey.
Serbia must propose the possible points of this policy to both segments of the people
residing there, Orthodox and Catholic, because of her prestige, years of experience and
the diplomatic recognition accorded to her. One of the main points which should be set
forth is the principle of complete freedom of religion established by law. The principle
must include all Christians, and who knows if in time this cannot be extended to some
Mohammedans as well? They must be satisfied and rendered complacent. Furthermore, the
hereditary princely dignity must become the most important and fundamental law of the
state. Without this principle which is the very embodiment of national unity, an enduring
and permanent fusion between Serbia and Serbs in neighboring areas is unthinkable.
Not only must the fundamental constitutional laws of Serbia be extended to Bosnia and
Herzegovina, along with the administrative system of the Principality of Serbia, but a
number of young Bosnians should be accepted into the Serbian administration to train them
as political, financial and legal specialists. Later these people would apply what they
have learned in Serbia in their own countries, and put into practice the knowledge which
they have gained. Here it must be observed that these young people should be specially
supervised and educated in their work so that the redeeming idea of a general unification
prevails and remains uppermost. This requisite cannot be sufficiently emphasized.
Special attention must be paid to the problem of diverting the peoples of the Roman
Catholic faith from the Austrian influence, and evoking a sympathy for Serbia. Through the
Franciscans there this goal can be best achieved. The Franciscans must be won over to the
idea of the union of Bosnia and Serbia. To this end, several prayer books and hymnals
should be printed in Belgrade, as well as prayer books for Orthodox Christians and
anthologies of national songs which would be Latin on one side and Cyrillic on the other.
As a third step, it would be advisable to print a short and general history of Bosnia, in
which the names of several men of the Mohammedan faith and their renowned deeds would be
included. It is recommended that this history be written in the spirit of the Slavic
people; the entire work should be permeated with the spirit of the Slavic people, and the
national unity of the Serbs and Bosnians. Through the printing of these similar patriotic
works, as well as other necessary actions which should be liberated from the influence of
Austria and inclined more to Serbia. Croatia and Dalmatia in this way would procure books
which would be impossible to print in Austria. The natural result would be the merger of
these two lands in a closer relationship with Bosnia and Serbia.
At first glance it may be thought that Serbia must be on friendly terms with those areas
(Srem, Backa, and Banat), since in origin, language, law, and custom they are one and the
same with the Serbs of Serbia. If this is not the case then the blame falls in part, at
least, upon Serbia herself, because she has not proceeded to win the friendship of these
Serbs. But it is to be hoped that because of the hostile influence of Austria this weak
relationship will be improved in the same degree as the Principality of Serbia shows that
it is well-organized, strong, and just state. For the present, if nothing else, at least
an effort should be made to become acquainted with the most important people in those
provinces, and to establish one important newspaper which would act usefully in the
interest of the Serbian cause under the Hungarian constitution.
Contents:
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