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© 1998 CIC.
All Rights Reserved


An International Symposium

Publisher: Croatian Heritage Foundation & Croatian Information Centre
For the Publisher: Ante Beljo
Expert Counsellor: Dr. sc. Dragutin Pavlicevic
Editor: Aleksander Ravlic
Graphic Design: Gorana Benic - Hudin
Printed by: TARGA
Copies Printed: 2000
ISBN 953-6525-05-4





Dr. Ante Sekulic
retired university professor
Vlaska 133

The Serbian penetration of the central European territory over the Danube must be discussed as the issue here is the exaggerated desire of the Byzantine-Orthodox groups from Belgrade to place themselves on the soil of the native western and central European community. We are not talking about the Orthodox group which took refuge in Podunavlje areas in 1690, under the leadership of the religious head, patriarch Arsenije Crnojevic (Carnojevic) with the permission of the Viennese court. Descendants of the settlers remained inhabitants of Backa, Baranja, Srijem, and parts of Banat  were referred to as "native Srblji". When considering the social , economic and cultural Serbian tyranny since 1918, in Backa, Baranja and Srijem, and Podunavlje, it is necessary to differentiate the older population from the population which was abruptly "thrown in" after the First World War. The native inhabitants referred to these new settlers as "newcomers", "carpet baggers," and "volunteers" because they were arriving from various regions as rewarded Serbian volunteers. The newcomers acted like privileged individuals in the Podunavlje territory to whom other people were to be obedient. Nonetheless, it is necessary to follow these general observations in the developments of Podunavlje from 1918 and onwards.

1. Numerous literary works have been written on reasons for the alterations in the European national borders after the First World War and the shaping of new states. The "punishment" of the Dual monarchy (Germany as well) and the "rewards" for those who participated in "getting even "with Italy, Germany, and The Austro-Hungarian empire, are discussed. However, it is necessary to note that that there is a constant misunderstanding when written and discussed on how Vojvodina is included in the new nation of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Kingdom of Montenegro and Serbia. Yet, it was Backa, Baranja and Srijem that joined the new nation. Any declaration of Vojvodina is not mentioned in any documents because it was not a favorable name to the inhabitants. Memories of the Serbian Vojvodina of the nineteenth century were still fresh, as well as memories of the behavior of politicians who wished to reestablish the Serbian Vojvodina (Svetozar Miletic and others ). It is also known that the mentioned district name was not even during before the re-construction of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croatians and Serbians in 1929. The re-construction of the Dominion neglected Vojvodina, but the arranged Danube Dominion, according to the political organization, is at a large scale, territorially, much more "Serbian".1

In the events from 1918 to 1920, priests (Bl. Rajic, I. Budanovic, M. Catalinac, I. Petres, P. Evetovic, I. Probojcevic, F. Pijukovic and others), lawyers (Stipan Vojnic Tunic, I. Sudarevic, Stj. Matijevic, M. Matic and others), and some teachers ( M. Mandic, M. Ispanovic, K. Romic and others) were mentioned it is necessary therefore to emphasise that Croatian inhabitants in southern Hungary were peasants (farmers, land owners) with few educated individuals. There was no reason why the Bunjevac-Sokac children could not be educated but mistrust towards the government hindered the parents from registering their children in schools ( in which Hungarian was taught). Nevertheless, when any Backa Croatian would set off "to school," he would usually choose an independent vocation or employment (priest, lawyer).2


Picture 1. Changing of the banovina borders in Srijem 1918-1945.

Peter Pekic reported the events in the autumn of 1918 in the book, The History of Croatians in Vojvodina.3 Because at the at the time the young author was a witness to the events in Backa, his reports should be reliable. Yet, Pekic euphorically approached the material and clumsily gave an account of only fragments of the events that had occurred. Convinced that the line of demarcation, Moris, Tisa, Horgos, Subotica, Baja, Pecuh and Barc, would be the final state borders between Hungary and the new South Slavic state union, Pekic was bitterly disappointed when his hometown of Gornji. St. Ivan was assigned to Hungary in the border agreement. Pekic saved a list of participators in the meeting which was held on November 5, 1918, in the family home of Manojlovic in Subotica. Blasko Rajic, Dr. Josip Vojnic Hajduk, Dr. Josip Prcic, Ilija Kujundzic, Lazar Orcic, Andrija Mazic, Gavro Covic and the Serbians Marko Protic, Jovan Petrovic, Bogdan Svircevic, R. Miladinovic were in attendance at this meeting. At the meeting, it was decided that the process of secession of the territories of southern Hungary be led by Pucka kasina (Subotica).4 It is necessary to mention that the meeting was held after the return of Blasko Rajic from the historical session of the Croatian parliament in Zagreb (October 29, 1918.) The other Croatian delegates from Backa, Dr. Mirko Ivkovic Ivandekic and Dr. Stjepan Vojnic Tunic, remained in Zagreb.

When discussing the proclamation and establishment of the new South Slavic nation, the fact is that the process of historical events in Baranja and especially in Backa and Banat, from November 1918 until June 1920, are frequently neglected. Until the signing of the Trianon agreement, the direction of the so called northern border of the new state was not guaranteed. There were numerous speculations, many schemes, and political games which the Serbians, Nikola Pasic, Vasa Stajic, Dusan Popovic, Vitomir Kovac , Jasa Tomic and others, were prominent.

Blasko Rajic, the priest and parish rector of St. Rok 5 was among one of the most mentioned Croatian public officials who was actively working for the joining of parts of Southern Hungary at the time with the new state. He was educated in Subotica and Kalaca. In his youth, he decided to follow the national revival activities which Ivan Antunovic 6 had begun. Following the death of Pajo Kujundzic (1915), Blasko Rajic took over the leading role amongst Croatian priests in Backa. In a conversation about his activities, Rajic said to me: " I have always wanted our people to have the same rights as the others in Backa: Germans, Hungarians...".7 Perhaps this is why sometimes in his statements, they have double meanings. Considering that Rajic eagerly pointed out how Subotica and all of the territories to the Danube, "have become part of the framework of the South Slavic state thanks to us," one cannot discuss about the formation of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croatians and Serbians without mentioning and being acquainted with Rajic’s work.8

Pekic writes about the collaboration of the Backa Croatians with Zagreb in the summer of 1918. He also mentions the secret meetings in Subotica at which the situation in the Monarchy and the status of the Bunjevac-Sokac Croatians are discussed on the basis of Wilson’s principles about " self-determination of the people".9 With respect to this, it is valid to draw attention to "The resolution of independent Serbians and Croatians from Southern Hungary" ,10 amended at meetings held on 2.,24., and 25, October, 1918, by which The National Council of Slovenes, Croatians and Serbians is recognized in Zagreb, as the complete and only "legal authority" (competence) in resolving the question of Croatians and Serbians in Southern Hungary.11 The military overthrow of Austria-Hungary prompted and set in motion a series of violent changes in Hungary ("unification of the National Work Party and the Constitutional Party, proclamation of the Social Democratic Party of Hungary, gathered around Mihaly Karoly, the foundation of the Hungarian National Council, the Autums revolution of the "Roses")12 but a series of meetings and agreements were set in motion as well in the family home of Alb Malagurska (Subotica, Strossmayerova). The following were present: Alb and Jos Malagurski, land-owners; Stipan Matijevic and Jovan Petrovic, lawyers; Josi Prcic law clerk; Vojislav Stankovic, director of the Hrvatska zemaljska banka, Joso vojnic Hajduk; lawyer, Ivan Vojnic Tunic, professor and a series of others. At the meeting, it was decided that Subotica and the Subotica territory secede from Hungary.13 At the meeting, it was also decided that Blasko Rajic , the parish rector, go to Zagreb as a representative on behalf of Subotica and its inhabitants. V. Stankovic informed Rajic of the decision and Rajic accepted and prepared for the journey to Zagreb.14 The actual day that Rajic and Radic personally met is not known. I was not able to discover for certain even while Rajic was still alive. Most likely it occurred in the second half of November of 1918. Rajic was seven years younger than Radic, the leader who was well known even among Croatian peasants. Therefore, Rajic was able to learn about the political and party life in the years of the downfall of the Monarchy from Radic as well as the establishment of the borders of the new national creation and South Slavic Union.

Rajic set off for Zagreb with the authority and with an identity card to work in the National Council. He was present for the historical decisions at the Council from October 27 to 29, 1918. Other than the meeting with Stjepan Radic, Rajic met with Svetozar Pribicevic, Srdjan Budisavljevic, Ivica Kovacevic, Cezar Alacic and a series of other representatives and politicians. He stayed as a guest with the Archbishop Dr. Antun Bauer at the archbishop’s residence.15

Radic’s opinion "about the incomprehensible and illogical" title of Vojvodina instead of Backa and Baranja is well known.16 Nevertheless, the fact that Radic, at the end of 1918 and 1919, directed a series of young people, primarily of free vocations to Backa where they wholeheartedly joined in the social work of the Backa Croatians in Subotica, Sombor and other settlements, is unknown to many of our scholars.17

Blasko Rajic returned to Subotica on November 2, 1918. Other fellow collaborators, Mirko Ivkovic Ivandekic and Stipan Vojnic remained in Zagreb and until November 13 probably participated in the meeting of Backa Croatians and Serbians in Zagreb in the National Council at which time Vasa Stajic became a member of the National Council.18

The return of Blasko Rajic befit the stormy events in the city and on the entire Backa territory. The events in Budapest echoed in Subotica, where the supporters of the chapter of the Independent Party (led by Sime Mukic) accepted the program of M. Karoly. Supporters of the Territorial Civil Radical Party joined them as well. In cooperation with the supporters of the Civil Radical Party, everyone met on the afternoon of October 30, 1918 (in S. Mukic’s apartment) and proclaimed the Hungarian National Council and organized the Civil Guard.19

It was necessary to act quickly. On November 5, a meeting of Croatian and Serbian leaders and the organized Civil Guard (altogether 354 men, including officers) was held. Again, on November 10, a great national meeting (over 10,000 participants) was held, and young Gavro Covic carried the Croatian flag to City Hall in a procession where he hung it on a high tower.20

Other than in Subotica, a national council was organized in Sombor, Novi Sad, Baja and other settlements.

There are notes and descriptions in daily newspapers and gazetts about the entrance of the Serbian army in Backa and the occupying of territory marked by the line of demarcation. Given that the Serbian army was entrusted with controlling the territory up to the line of demarcation, the local authorities until that time in the Backa, Baranja and Banat settlements were discussing the handing over of businesses to them.

Already on November 16, representatives of national councils from Backa, Banat, and Baranja are invited to send their delegates to Novi Sad for a great national assembly on November 25, 1918. Pekic, who we have mentioned, called it a "magnificent assembly". The assembly took place in the room of the "Matica Srpska" where late at night a Resolution the Secession of Backa, Banat and Baranja from Hungary was proclaimed. According to Jovan Hranilovic’s statement, the decision should have stated that the mentioned regions join with the South Slavic lands, and Jan Grunik, a Slovakian delegate, stated on behalf of Slovakians that "Banat, Backa, and Srijem belong to the Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian State."21 There are diverse opinions about the assembly in Novi Sad.22 There is even a greater outrage in the wording of the resolution: Jasa Tomic, the secretary at the meeting, and a Greater Serbian politician, added the word "Serbia" without the authority or permission of the National Council.23 The Novi Sad Assembly appointed B. Rajic and J. Tomic to present the decisions in Belgrade.

The entry of the Serbian army onto the territory marked by the line of demarcation, the resolution in Novi Sad and the speeches in Belgrade on December 1, 1918 did not mean the termination of the procedure for breaking away from Hungary. Peace was not signed with the northern neighbor and news about political games worried the citizens. Not even the behavior of the "liberators" allowed the inhabitants of Podunavlje to sleep peacefully.24 Croatian intellectuals (priests, lawyers) accomplished a great deal in their endeavors for all territories within the line of demarcation to join with the new state.25 In this way, on January 15 1919, in Bereg (Backi Brijeg), Lajco Budanovic gathered several officials, Blasko Rajic, Franjo Pijukovic, Matija Catalinac, Ivan Evetovic, for an agreement that a meeting be improvised in every Croatian municipality. Their goal was to explain what was happening to the people and that the people be made aware of the number of our people living in the territories (as opposed to the number the Hungarians suggested). Meetings were held the following few days in Gara, Cavolj, Gornji St. Ivan, Baja and telegrams were sent to Novi Sad, asking for them to be sent on to Paris. The "National administration (Novi Sad) did not send thent"26.

In February 1919, the Belgrade government invited the Baja rector Lajco Budanovic to attend a peace conference in Paris and defend the interests of his people. Bubanovic did not go to Paris, rather Blasko Rajic was sent in his place (March 14, 1919). The mission was successful in that Subotica was "saved" but Baja and the territory around Baja (Bajski Trokut) was lost. The endeavors of patriots to send a delegation to the Peace Conference in Paris suggesting that a plebiscite be stipulated in the Baja triangle under the supervision of the state were not successful. Despite the harmony and leave of the military command, the great Backa district-prefect (appointed by the Belgrade government) Kosta Bugarski forbid the plebiscite.27

There were a number of attempts to display the activities in Subotica (and elsewhere in the Backa territory) as being "progressive", "revolutionary", and "radical.28 However, from data which I was able to gather from families and daily newspapers 29, it appears that there were indeed workers who participated in riots, but all in all, the combativeness of the Hungarian irredente (or revanchism) prevailed.

It is valid to note the fact that the Croatian Party (Bunjevac-Sokac), founded on September 15, 1920, held a great meeting (5000 people) on October 10, 1920, in which participants asked for the autonomy of Backa, Baranja and Banat or, as some later suggested of Vojvodina.30 This occurred three to four months after the signing of Trianon.

From 1918 to 1920, the years of the formation new state borders, Backa Croatians strived to fit in their need to preserve their national identity into the political games.

2. We have mentioned the facts from 1918 when the national legal relations between the Triune Kingdom and the Kingdom of Hungary and the Austrian Empire ceased to exist. At that time, December 1, 1918, all South Slavic lands of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, joined with the newly formed state of Croatians, Slovenes and Serbians. Backa and Srijem were amongst those in the unified territories. On that day Croatia lost its historical identity. In 1921, the Vidovdan Constitution was conceived which ensured the greater Serbian predominance. That day the Belgrade authority celebrated the union of everything Serbian. The other nations lost their individuality and freedom. The Backo-Bodroska and the Srijem districts existed until 1922 when the new national community was divided into six districts. And the Parts of the Croatian national territory remained outside of its six mentioned districts: Medjimurje joined with the Maribor district, Kastastina with the Ljubljana district, Istria was surrendered to Italy as a result of the Rappal agreement and Boka Kotorska was joined with the Zeta District. One should keep in mind that the Trianon agreement resulted in Backa being divided into two parts as was Baranja. With respect to the ethnic principle, the joining of the Baja triangl and the towns of Mohac, Pecuh and Baja with the newly formed state, was requested but this did not occur, not in 1920, nor later in 1947.

With a peaceful and liberal disposition, and in concordance with Wilson’s principles, the Croatians wanted to establish their own new life conditions with of economic success. The first two years of life in the new national union, (until the elections on November 28, 1920), Croatians experienced Podunavlje as an idea with great possibilities in all aspects. No one conceived that "our people would experience injustice which we cannot and will not remain silent about". Party life in the new State union was complex everywhere, thus combining the "victorious" behavior of Serbians, Hungarian irredentism and Croatian patriotism was difficult even in Backa. The Bunjevac -Sokac Party, under the leadership of Blasko Rajic endeavored to include itself in the rival elections (representatives, Franjo sudarevic, Stipan Vojnic-Tomic and Ivan Evetovic).31 The same party endeavored to come to an understanding with the Belgrade authorities (especially with the government of Ljubo Davidovic 1924) but there was no improvement because the leadership was constantly changing.

Nonetheless, it should be noted that on August 31, 1920, along with the above mentioned people, who participated in the activities from 1918 to 1920 and onwards, the educational association "Neven" was founded. Shortly afterwards, on December 4, 1920 the Croatian Choral Association "Neven", whose conductor was a young lawyer, Dr. Mihovil Katanec, was founded. Other associations became active as well: the Bunjevac Men’s Dance Group (1920), the Croatian Academic Association "Antunovic" (Subotica, 1924) Croatian Falcon (Subotica, 1925.), the Croatian Catholic Eagle (Subotica, 1922) and other associations and societies.32

Social, cultural, and educational life amongst the Backa Croatians were passed over to young people who came to Backa immediately after the completion of the peace agreement. They enthusiastically assisted and often led the social, cultural and educational life. Mihovil Katanec, Dragan Mrljak, Matej Jankac, Marin Juras, I. Sercer and others were among those who came to Subotica. Ladislav Vlasic, Vinko Zganec, I Skrabalo and others came to Sombor.

I personally believe that those who were responsible for the activities in the cultural life of Podunavlje Croatians during the years between the two wars were people who had come from Zagreb generally from Croatia. They wanted to help with the strengthening of the Croatian national consciousness and cultural life in general. I would like to mention a series of statistics: in 1925, Croatians from Podunavlje formally celebrated the thousandth anniversary of the Croatian Kingdom (Subotica, Sombor, Bac and others); in 1933 the Croatian Choral Association "Neven" toured Blagaj, Mostar, Dubrovnik, Gospic, and Zagreb; in 1933 and 1934, "Matica suboticka" is established (L. Budanovic); in 1936 the 250th anniversary of the arrival of a larger group of Croatians in Backa is formally celebrated; the newspapers "Klasje nasih ravni", "Kolo mladezi", and others are formed; in Zagreb, the Association of Backa Croatians is set in motion and a number of expectations and ideas are set in motion and actualized. In the stand against Orthodoxy and Serbianism, the people closed ranks, convinced that the majority of Croatian districts would be joined with the mother country. (1939)

The Serbian leaders, influenced by the peaceful rewarding of the new territories which had never previously been Serbian, neither historically nor constitutionally, very quickly after the organization was complete, systematically changed the demographic picture of the territories given to them. In Backa and in Srijem, new "volunteer" settlements were established like rings over the strong Croatian and non-Serbian centers (Subotica, Sombor, Sid, S. Mitrovica and others). New divisions of the state occurred in 1929 based on the title and division law in which the state became the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and was thoughtfully divided into nine provinces. The historical, ethnic nor geographic whole was not respected: Backa was included in the Danube province, while Srijem, an ancient Croatian district was excluded from Croatian entirety and divided between the Drina and Danube provinces. The notion of eastern Srijem was substantially filled with Serbianism. This occurred in 1931, when western Srijem is returned to the Croatian Sava province and eastern Srijem remained in the Danube province. Such a division, placed in the middle of the Srijem territory was enforced as the eastern border of Croatia. Also, in attempt to solve the Croatian problem with the establishment of the Province of Croatia, they endeavored to include all Croatian lands in the new province, except the Croatian Baranja and Backa regions. So, the Srijem districts of Ilok and Sid were included in the new province.

MAP 2.

Picture 2. Demarcation of Croatia and Serbia after World War II.
1. border of Banovina Hrvatska in 1939; 2. current state border; 3 border suggestion according in "Djilas Commision", 4.a) anexxed to Croatia after of the suggestion of the "Djilas Commision", b) connected to Croatia in 1947 or 1948; 5. anexxed to Vojvodina

3. Between 1941 and 1945, war was in effect on Croatian territory and the Yugoslavian Communist Party was against the proclamation and establishment of the Croatian State. Nevertheless, despite the Yugoslavianism in the ranks of the anti-Fascist units, there pro Croatian politicians who believed in the solution of the position of the Croatian people in a unified state ("Yugoslavianism" was very strictly imposed during the war) which the Party viewed as a federal union. In 1942, the partisan Yugoslavian leadership divided Croatian territory into operational zones (for more successful organization and battles), in which Slavonia was a separate zone "including Srijem to Belgrade". Srijem’s pertainment to the command of the Partisan forces in Croatia (Slavonia) certainly influenced tthe fighting morale of the Partisans in this great low-land.33 Until 1943, Srijem was considered an integral part of Croatia in communist decisions and regulation.34 However, from then on, the Serbian desire to create and constitute Vojvodina as an equal autonomous unit in the future federally arranged Yugoslavia is activated. It is officially explained that the plan is in effect the arrangement of Backa, Banat, Baranja and Srijem into a whole (the comparison of Serbian ideas about a Serbian Vojvodina, lasting shortly in the middle of the nineteenth century has been imposed on historians). Before the end of the war, borders between Croatia and the future Vojvodina were drawn at Vukovar, Vinkovci, and Zupanja: the entire Zupanja District and the western part of the Vinkovac District, the city included, as well as the western part of the Vukovar district, belonged to Croatia. The eastern part of the Vukovar district belonged to the Srijem part of Vojvodina. -A decision followed about the establishment of a military base for Backa, Banat and Baranja. On April 6, 1945, the Principal National-liberation council of Vojvodina decided that the territory join Serbia.35

Towards the end of the war in 1944 and 1945, the Srijem front was shaped. There were precise maps which were not included in this work because any type of change with respect to the name of the settlement was not noted. However, before the new shaping of Vojvodina’s borders, (the principles changed constantly when it was necessary either through historical principles, sometimes ethnical principles were used and, finally, they even called for economical principles), very cruel ethnic cleansing was exercised on the Backa and Srijem territory: the German population and its property "disappeared".36 New inhabitants (war heroes), who needed to "fill" the Serbian national minority, settled in these territories.37

4. Immediately after the Second World War, the controversial territories in Srijem and Backa were brought up in the drawing up of borders between Croatia and Serbia. A correction of the Trianon borders towards Hungary in the Baja triangle is also mentioned.38 Andrija Hebrang was among the negotiators working on the behalf of Croatian rights. Juraj Andrassy, Milovan Gavazzi, Vinko Zganec and others contributed to the cause with their knowledge and education. Yet, the commissioners and leaders of the commission for the re-establishment of borders were Rade Pribicevic and Milovan Djilas including also of the Yugoslav Communists Party Milentija Popovic, Jovan Veselinov, Jasa Prodanovic and others. On June 19, 1945, it was decided that Jerko Zlataric become a member of the commission. The Djilas Commission 39 decided that Baranja pertain to the Croatian composition but the Srijem districts Vukovar, Ilok and Sid, as well as northern Backa (the Subotica district and a greater part of the Sombor district) still remained controversial. According to the Djilas Commission, the border between Croatia and Vojvodina was to extend from the Hungarian border (the Baja triangle was no longer mentioned), along the Danube River to the border between the town Backo Novo Selo and Bukin (the Backa-Palanacka district), then along the Danube and between Opatovac, Mohovo, Lovas, Bapska, Tovarnik, Sid, Podgradje, Adasevci, Lipovac, Strosinci, Morovic. Thus, Mohovo, Bapska, the city of Sid, Ilinci, Mala Vasica, Batrovci, Morovic together with counties of the mentioned settlements, belonged to Serbian Vojvodina.

At the beginning of 1946, the Yugoslavian Constitution was accepted. Then in 1947, the administrative and territorial division of the national territories was completed. The attempts of the Vojvodina politicians to change the borders towards Croatia (Bapska, Novak, Jamena and the islands in Vukovar territory) were not successful. Nevertheless, by observing the following events from 1918 to 1945 and the re-shaping of district and territorial borders in the South Slavic state, it is not difficult to conclude that the Croatian territory, in which Srijem was its inealiabel part, was decreasing in size. Before the determining of the so called AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist National Liberation of Yugoslavia) borders (1945-1947), a double principle was adopted. While historical, geographical, economic, and especially ethnic principles were respected in the case of Baranja and its union with its mother homeland, the ethnic structure (already "filled" in 1918) was "decisive" in Srijem. The same principle was not respected in the solving of the northwestern Backa (Subotica, Sombor, Apatin and other) problem.

* * *

The tragedy of the unsolved borders between Croatia and Serbia was paid for at the time of the collapse of the South Slavic state in 1990. Serbia first annexed Vojvodina as a whole without any objection from the other republics. Then, Croatia accepted the status of its borders as they were determined at that time (from 1945-1947). Nevertheless, warring Serbians changed the borders temporarily during their endeavors to conquer and occupy Srijem and Baranja. Apart from the inhuman pictures from the Srijem territory (Vukovar, Kukujevci and other) and from Baranja, violent and inhumane changes in the composition of the population occurred. The extent in banishment, persecution, and murder in Croatia from 1990 until today will never be known exactly.



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