Prof. dr. Zef Mirdita
former professor at the University of Prishtina:
professional associate at the Institute of Contemporary History-Zagreb
Institut za suvremanu povijest
Opaticka 10
10 000 Zagreb-CROATIA

Until the year 1844, the Serbian principality never really had a plan of foreign policy. Not until the arrival of Ilija Garasanin (16.I.1812-15.VI.1874) as the Minister of Internal Affairs on 23.IX.1843, was its line of direction established. In the year 1844, on the basis of Adam Czartoryskog’s idea, the leader of the conservative wing of Polish emigration, he produced in writing "Conseils sur la conduite a suivre par la Serbie" and the so-called "Plan for the Slav politics of Serbia" by Fran Zach, in which the concept of French diplomacy was worked out through the solution of the "Eastern question". He also put together "Nacertanije"- a program of foreign and national Serbian politics at the end of 1844 which was valid until the year 1918, but in more definite terms until today’s times. The fundamental paradigm of that program was "historical justice based on Serbian traditions in the Middle Ages."¹ This first written program of foreign policy was supposed to be introduced by the "Piedmont" Southern-Slav nation, which with reliance on France and Great Britain, would have been a strong obstruction for Russia to break through to the Mediterranean^.2 No matter how many times he departed from the principle that "The Balkans need to devolve upon the Balkan people", his goal was that "after the collapse of the Ottoman empire in Europe, measures must be taken to prevent some great force from taking it over, like Austria for example."³ In essence, the whole program was conceptualized for the creation of a Greater Serbia, or Yugoslavia actually, with Serbia playing the leading role.^"4

Departing from the principle of "Nacertanije", in March of 1849 the "Constitution of political propaganda" was introduced in Serbia and was supposed to be realized in "Slavic-Turkish countries" in which Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro, Southern-Serbia, Sandzak of Novi Pazar, northern Albania, south-western Bulgaria, Dalmatia, and regions along the Croatian-Slovenian border made one inseparable entirety.⁵

Since it was considered that the "Eastern question" could only be solved in collaboration with Christian nations, Serbia contacted the Abbot of Mirdita, Msgr. Gasper Krasniqi, with the goal of acquiring the Albanian-Catholic element as the alleged solution to the "Eastern question". Indeed, Msgr.Gasper Krasniqi was confronted with the fact that the Albanian-Islamic population was fighting the Turks for social and economic freedom only, and not for political power, and so he contacted Ilija Garasanin.⁶ However, their goals were different. Namely, while I. Garasanin considered those contacts the means for the realization of an exit to the sea, Msgr. Gasper Krasniqi made every effort to help I. Garasanin, or Serbia to be exact, organize a general revolution of the Albanian-Catholic community, primarily Mirdita against the Turks, for the complete political freedom and independence of the Albanian people.⁷ Of course, Serbia’s foreign policy towards Albania wasn’t dependent only on Mirdita, but on the agas and beys that it bribed, as was the situation with Ibrahim Zajmi from Rozaj, Ali Aga from Galici, and especially the Kryeziu family (sc. Crnoglavic, Z.M.) from Kosovo, as well as Esat pasha Toptani in Albania.⁸

In spite of that, Serbia was confronted with insurmountable obstacles in the realization of the program "Nacertanije".

Above all, the formation of the country of Albania, on the part of the Great Forces on November 28, 1912; with which as US President Woodrow Wilson opposed the French-British plan of a Serbian exit to a warm sea, and Russia through her, the conception of Serbia’s foreign policy in gaining ethnic Albanian territory was curtailed. On the other hand, since the majority of Albanian inhabitants was of Islamic religion, Serbia, in the realization of its foreign policy and in conjunction with religious Moslem priests who were bribed like the aforementioned begs and agas, continued its ethnic cleansing of Southern-Serbia with the intense eviction of Albanian Muslims which started during the time of Milos Obrenovic.

The first systematic ethnic cleansing of Albanian-Muslims by the Serbs started in the year 1878. Namely, with the resolutions of the Berlin Congress in 1878, Serbia became independent and territorially stretched towards the south. Thus, in her frame then entered Nis, Pirot, Leskovac, Vranje and Prokuplje.⁹ The entire Albanian-Islamized population that was expelled from these parts settled down on the territory known today as Kosovo.

Confronted with the consequences of this fatal mistake, Serbia worked out a plan so as to penetrate the spirit of "Nacertanije" and as to liberate itself from this biologically productive population. Those plans later found themselves in the works of a well-known Serbian ethnologist, Jovan Cvijic, and later, in the studies of Ivo Andric and Vasa Cubrilovic.

Jovan Cvijic believed that Serbia must get an exit to the sea after it was determined at the Berlin Congress that "Serbia is a surrounded country" and that Serbs were "an imprisoned people".¹⁰ In the actualization of that policy, he insisted on’s right to Serbia Kosovo and northern Albania in spite of the non-Slavic population in those territories. That was in essence for him an "anti-ethnographical necessity" considering that Albanians in northern Albania are a mixture of both Albanians and Serbs.¹¹

For Serbia, the idea of an exit to the sea through northern Albania, along with other foreign policies, never disappeared in spite of the new political maps of those regions. The government of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes signed an agreement in mid-1921 with the leaders of Mirdita, particularly with the Gjoni Markagjoni house. This treaty was foreseen as the formation of a free Mirdita republic which was supposed to be defended by the army of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and represented by the government in Belgrade¹². However, in the realization of those plans, an "Albanian wedge" came to be which "Serbia began to strike", said Vasa Cubrilovic, "even in the first revolt, expelling all the Albanians norht of Jagodina."¹³ How to get rid of that "wedge"? Namely, the assimilation and colonization didn’t give the required results. The only possible means was the emigration of the Albanian-Islam religion to Turkey and Albania in which the ethnic homogenous territory of Southern Serbia would be broken

The procedure for implementing that ethnic cleansing was given by Vasa Cubrilovic in his lecture held in the Serbian Cultural Club on March 7, 1937, under the title "The emigration of Albanians".¹⁴ As viewed in the context of time, Vasa Cubrilovic’s proposals were based on ideas from "Nacertanije", with reference to elements from the "eastern option" of Nikola Pasic, which implicitly includes an exit onto the Aegean Sea over Salonika, and the safeguarding of strait of otranto through northern Albania.

In solving that question, Vasa Cubrilovic recommended European methods which were applied in the exchange of the Greek-Turkish population. However, the difference was that in this event, it was a one-way step. Recommending just that, he alluded to the Islam mentality of Albanians who could identify with the Turkish people. That is clearly foreseen in chapter 1 - "Convention" about the regulating of emigration of Turkish inhabitants from Southern-Serb territory in Yugoslavia which was signed in 1938 and states: "This agreement identifies Yugoslavian citizens who speak Turkish and have Turkish culture.¹⁵ In order for that to be conveyed as efficiently and as soon as possible, Vasa Cubrilovic stated: "All diplomatic means need to be used for Tirana to accept one portion of our emigrants (...) Italy will be involved and will aggravate matters, but money in Tirana plays a major role (...) let the Albanian government know that we fear nothing regarding the decision to this question, and simultaneously give a subsidy for colonization in which control cannot be exercised, eventually through secret canals and material engagements of distinguished people in Tirana, so that they won’t oppose the entire question.¹⁶ As to the effect that emigration had on the religious feelings of the Islamized population, Vasa Cubrilovic states: "(...) generally, they easily succumb to the religious influence, are gullible and even fanatics" suggesting that "it is necessary to have preferences for the emigration among the Albanians, acquiring their clergy and most influential people, either with money or by threats".¹⁷ And in that they had great success. Furthermore, he suggested "pressure from the government" and "legally not recognizing old land ownership documents."¹⁸ Accordingly, he proposed that "female children need to attend elementary school" and that the "colonizers need to distribute arms by necessity". ¹⁹ Villages need to be evacuated first because they "are more stable, and therefore more. dangerous", as well as the middle class and wealthy "because they are the backbone of every nation."²⁰ The distribution of travel documents needs to be quickened,²¹ and the people of Montenegro, Herzegovina, Lika, and Krajina should settle on the evacuated territory.²² No matter how much that plan was actualized, in the end, as both the past and the facts show, it did not succeed.

It is interesting that the approach of Ivo Andric, renowned author and Nobel Prize-winner, did not differ whatsoever from the spirit of "Nacertanije", nor did it vary from Vasa Cubrilovic’s concept. His study, from January 30, 1939,²³ among others, clearly discusses the division of Albania between Serbia and Greece, or Serbia and Italy with the purpose of getting an exit to the Adriatic Sea. Namely, "Yugoslavia’s vital interest", states author Ivo Andric, "is to not be endangered on the border towards Southern-Serbia, nor towards Kosovo (inhabitant by Albanian), Skadar and Montenegro", and continues, "the division of Arbania (Albania) would lose its attraction as the center for the Albanian minority in Kosovo and would easily assimilate to the new situation. We would eventually gain another 200,000-300,000 Albanians, but they are mostly Catholic, and their relations with the Albanian-Muslims were never very good. The question of Albanian-Muslims emigrating to Turkey would likewise be derived by new circumstances, because there would be no stronger action for that to be prevented."²⁴ In the realization of those measures, and especially in the division of Albania, the interests of the Great Forces became intertwined, primarily the interests of Italy.²⁵ In addition, World War II broke out, and all the plans, especially those dealing with the division of Albania, and the emigration of Turks and Albanians into Turkey, came to a halt while the nation of Yugoslavia owed Turkey a debt of approximately 800,000 dinars.

From everything mentioned above, one clearly sees that quotes from the study on ethnic cleansing as well as from "Nacertanije" were directed only to the Albanian-Islamized population.²⁶

One would expect that the "brotherly" anti-fascist struggle would free them from the idea of ethnic cleansing on Yugoslavian territory inhabited by national minorities. Reading Vasa Cubrilovic’s report on the question of national minorities and the ways of solving them which was held on November 3, 1944, in front of the largest national and party leadership of the new Yugoslavia, one can see that other than its terminology, it did not change at all since 1937.²⁷ It can easily be said that what was claimed in the report was achieved completely.

In the year 1952, the question of origin of ethnic Turkish minorities in Kosovo arose which didn’t figure during NOR (the National Liberation War) and NOP (the National Liberation Movement).Resistance was met with imprisonment and judicial processes. In the year 1955, a gathering of weapons from the Albanians was organized in which many were wounded. This began the massive emigration of Islamic Albanians to Turkey. In the year 1966, when in fact the Albanians became second-class citizens, approximately 200,000 Albanians moved out of Kosovo and Macedonia and into Turkey.²⁸ It was not until July of 1966, when A. Rankovic descended from the political scene that the situation began to change. Managerial positions in significant governmental institutions as well as in the courts, internal affairs, and administrative - judicial offices were held by Albanians.

However, as was said in the aforementioned study in reference to the Islamic Albanians population only, the question of the position of Albanian-Catholics can be rated according to itself. In Albanian historiographical literature, this question isn’t raised unless their reactionary role in the movement for national freedom was emphasized, as was the creation of the "Republic of Mirdita" in the year 1921.

Taking all into consideration, the position of Catholic Albanians was nothing better than their fellow blood brothers. In fact, it can be freely said that they were in between the hammer and the anvil.

Namely, in spite of the fact that after the Berlin Congress in 1878, Catholic-Albanians were under the jurisdiction of the protectorate of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy,²⁹ they were still under continuous pressure from Serbia and Montenegro to convert to the Orthodox religion. That is how approximately 12,000 Catholic-Albanians from the Djakovica region were converted to the Orthodox faith in the year 1913.³⁰ The catholic clergy was systematically persecuted. The Bishop of Prizren, Lazar Mjeda, was forced to leave his district on November 5, 1911, and go to Skadar.³¹ The Bishop’s chair remained empty all until October 29, 1924 when a Slovenian by the name of Ivan Gnidovec was appointed and then transferred to Skopje in 1934. There were victims in the conversion of the Catholic-Albanians; Luidji Palic, the parish priest of Glodjan, near Pec was killed on February 22, 1913,³² while on October 14, 1929, on the way to Zjum another victim of the Shtjefen Konstanin Gjecovi-Kryeziu was conspiracy. The Albanian rural community of the Catholic faith wasn’t excluded from agrarian reform or from other measures which were relevant to the Albanian-Muslims. The catholic clergy opposed this form of mistreatment and persecution. Confronted with all those atrocious deeds of the police, of the regime of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia over innocent Albanian inhabitants, Muslims as well as Catholics, three priests: Don Gjon Bisaku, born in Prizren but parish priest of Bec by Djakovica, Don Shtjefen Kurti, also from Prizren and the parish priest of Novoselo by Djakovica, and Don Luigj Gashi, from Skopje the parish priest of Smac near Djakovica. Sent a memorandum on May 5, 1930, a memorandum was sent to the Secretary General of the League of Nations in Geneva, Mr. Eric Drumond, describing all the terror that the Albanian people experienced regardless of their religious belief on the part of the nations’ authorities.³³ Because of their impertinence, they were obligated to emigrate to Albania.³⁴ Likewise, it must be said that the Albanian Catholic element in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was completely withdrawn from the political and administrative-jurisprudence of the authorities. Religious division was perfidiously used in the distrust between Albanians themselves. Although the religious contradictions weren’t publicly manifested, they still existed. ³⁵

The situation of the Catholic-Albanians didn’t even change in the new Yugoslavia. Indeed, the newly-arrived authorities immediately criticized the prominent Catholic families, and from many, one member was executed or suffered in prison due to the "participation" of the authorities during the Italian and German occupation of Kosovo and Albania, or because of "wartime profiteering". That gave them reason to instantly start emigrating with their entire families, first to Australia, and afterwards to Croatia. The emigration took place between the years 1946-1955 and mainly out of Prizren, Urosevac, Pec, Djakovica and Skopje.

The second wave began at the end of the 1950’s and lasted until the end of the 1960’s. It hit the remaining town and country inhabitants who were mainly filigreeists and goldsmiths, and who were colonizing to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Dalmatia, Istria, and other cities in Croatia. This emigration, at least where Croatia was concerned, was supported by the country’s authorities in the facilitation of the opening of workshops in the best places.

The third wave unfolded in the course of the 1970’s all until the end of 1981. That wave essentially included a rural structure with the entire family, especially from the Djakovica area and the vicinity of Klina that emigrated to America. Curiously enough, that was the interval of time when Albanians were ruling either in party or state organs. It would be interesting to find out why it came to that... In those years, a massive emigration out of Montenegro and to the US mainly developed, and not only younger people, but entire families as well.

However, the most massive emigration of the Albanian population, both Muslim and Catholic, occurred from the years of 1981 to 1992. It is believed that with the evasion of military commitments, approximately 350,000 young people abandoned Kosovo who found themselves in a world without the possibility of returning. Certainly, I did not mention the departure into West-Europe as guest workers. That phenomenon was characteristic of the 1960’s for socialist Yugoslavia.

What is one to say at the end of all of this? I am aware that it is too early to discuss or give definite criticisms of some problems which are only touched upon here, especially those from 1986 to today. Accepting an invitation to say something in regards to the question of "ethnic cleansing" which throughout history wasn’t new and specific only to Balkan nations, is to say that it was not my intention to concern myself with Kosovo’s future political problems, but at the least to give some presumptions. In fact, that is neither an option nor my profession. However, I still consider the methods explained in the aforementioned studies in contemporary social and international relations inapplicable and counterproductive. After all, in the "Memorandum SANU" alone, it expressly states: "In modern society, every political oppression and discrimination on the basis of national civilization is unacceptable."³⁶ The only thing worth pitying is that it was practiced conversely.

It is certain that the solution to the Albanian question in the territory of the "former" Yugoslavia or even in the Balkans cannot be solved, regardless of the clear observation that there is a problem in Europe in which Albanians are degraded in terms of the problem of the self-determination of their nation. Likewise, I believe that the aforementioned problems cannot be solved on the basis of a definite vision of the past. Because, "the man who isn’t in a position to confront his past", says Schelling, "either doesn’t have one, or cannot get out of his past and constantly lives in it."³⁷

FOOTNOTES

1 Ljiijana Aleksic-Pejkovic, Garasanin's "Nacertanije": Yugoslavian Encyclopedia, 4, 1986, p. 318.

2 Ilija Garasanin, Nacertanije (Program for Serbian foreign and national policy at the end of 1844): The Roots of Greater Serbian aggression. Discussions-documents- cartographic accounts. Arranged by Bozo Covic. "August Cesarec", Zagreb, 1991, p.66.

3 Ibid.; Vasa Cubrilovic, "Nacertanije": YE, 3, 1958, p.429.

4 Mirko Valentic, The first programmed formulation of the Greater Serbian idea: Sources...p. 41-64.

5 I. Garasanin, Nacertanije, ibidem, p. 75.

6 P. Bartl, Die Mirditen. Bemerkungen zur nordalbanischen Stammesgeschichet: Munchener Zeitschrift fur Balkankunde, 1. Band 1978, p. 27-69.

7 The official Albanian historiography considers him a traitor because of his collaboration with Ilija Garasanin as well as Prince Nicholas I. That is unfounded however, because when he entered into contact with those individuals, he had nothing to disclose. In that time, an Albanian nation or any other national institution did not even exist. However, as distinct from him and his actions, the majority of the Islam population along with their political and spiritual leaders fought only for the autonomy of their land, but in the frame of the Turkish Empire. In the end, only Prizren's League remained, particularly the main chapter in Kosovo, entirely Muslim (Peter Bartl, Die Liga von Prizren im Lichte vazikanischer Akten; Archiv der Propagandakongregatio: Sudost Forschungen Bd. XLVII-Munchen 1968., p. 145-186.

8 Zivko Avramovski, the country of Albania from 1912 to 1939: anthology of debates: From the history of Albania. The anthology of lectures, Belgrade 1969., p.153-185.

9 Vasa Cubrilovic, The Emigration of the Albanians: Roots of Greater-Serbian Aggression...p. 117.

10 Jovan Cvijic, The geographical and economic situation of Serbia (Jovan Cvijic: Collected works, book 3, volume 1, Speeches and articles, Belgrade 1987, p. 165.

11 J. Cvijic, Historical-ethnographic review (A Collection of works..., p. 218; Stanko Zuljic, Critical review of the conclusions and messages of J. Cvijic and his anthropolgeographical investigations: Roots of Greater-Serbian Aggression...,p.355; Radovan Pavic, Greater Serbia from 1844 to 1990/91, ibid, p159.

12 Bogdan Krizman, Dr. Ivo Andrics study of Albania from 1939: Journal of Contemporary History 11/1977 (Zagreb),. p.86.

13 Vasa Cubrilovic, The Emigration of the Albanians..., p.106.

14 Ibid

15 In 1938, the Convention between the governments of Yugoslavia and Turkey for the emigration of "Turkish" families from Southern-Serbia to Turkey was signed. (Convention. Reglementant l'eigration de la population Turque de la region de la Serbie du Sud en Yougoslavie, ap. Hakif Bajrami, Konventa jugoslavo-turke e vitit 1938 per shpernguljen e shqiptareve: Gjurmime albanologjike. Seria e shkencave historike XII-1982. Instituti Albanologjik I Prishtines. Prishtine, 1983, p. 251-158. For the length of six years, from 1939-1944, 40.000 families were supposed to relocate (Art. IV). The Yugoslavian government was supposed to pay 500 Turkish lira to the Turkish National Bank for every emigrant (a total of 20.000.000 Tli.) (ArtVII) itd.; P. Bartl, Die Albaner: Der rehelose Balkan. Die Konfliktrgionen Sudosteuopas, Dtv. Munchen 1993, p. 189.

16 V. Cubrilovic, The Emigration of the Albanians, ibid, p. 111-112.

17 Ibid, p.113.

18 bid, p. 113.

19 bid, p. 113.

20 Ibid, p. 114.

21 Ibid, p. 115.

22 In fact, the colonization of the Kosovo territory from the aforementioned Slavic population was accomplished at the end of the nineteenth century, but systematically from 1918-1941. (for further information: Dr. Milovan Obradovic, The Agrarian Reform and Colonization in Kosovo (1918-1941 ). The Institute for History. Pristina, 1981.

23 B. Krizman, CSP II/1977, p. 77-89.

24 bid, p. 88,89.

25 Z. Avramovski, The Albanian problem in the Yugoslavian-Italian Agreement of 15.111. 1937: History Review IX/1963., 1, p. 19-31.

26 P. Bartl, Die Albaner..., p. 188.

27 Serbia and Albania. Review of Serbian policy towards the Albanians. III, Casopis za Kritiko znanosti" Ljubljana 128, June 1989., pp. 51-55; Le nettoyage ethnique. Documents historiques sur une ideotogie serbe rassembles, traduits et commentes par Mirko Grmek, Marc Gjidara et Neven Simac Fayard, Paris 1993, PP.225-228.

28 P. Bartl, ibid, p. 199.

29 B. Hrabak, The cult protectorate of Austro-Hungary onto the Catholic Albanians (1897): Vjetar-Godisnjak. Arkivi i Kosoves - Arhiv Kosova" XXIII/1987, Prishtine, pp. 33-53.

30 Dr. Branko Babic, The policy of Montenegro in newly-freed areas 1912-1914. "Obod" Cetinje-"Pobjeda" Titograd 1984., p.208.

31 Dr. Gasper Gjini, Ipeshkvia Shkup-Prizren neper shekuj "Drita" Feriza 1992, p.203.

32 Dr. B. Babic, p.216-220. Muslims and Albanians of the Islam religion converted to the Orthodox creed (B. Babic, op. cit., p. 221-242).

33 La situation de la minorite en Yougoslavie. Memoire presente a la Societe des Nations par Don Jean Bisaku, Don Etienne Kurti et Don Louis Gashi. Governmental archive of the Secretariat of Internal Affairs 4/10528. F 15 DI, p.31.

34 In spite of the national activity in which he defended Albanian-Muslims and Catholics, and for which Don Shtjefen Kurti had to flee to Albania in the year 1970; he was shot by the regime of Enver Hoxha as "an enemy of the state" in 1970 . Namely, the, he secretly christened one child.

35 Roberto Moroco della Rocca, Kombesia dhe Feja ne Shqiperi 1921-1944, Tirane 1994 (Translated from Italian: Nacione e religione in Albania). Albania is usually regarded as a nation without religious intolerance. It is true that there were no religious wars, but that intolerance was present from 1468 since the death of Gjergj Kastrioti-Skenderberg, until modern times. That intolerance is felt more in city centers rather than village structures. That is understandable because village structures were tied to clan relations, therefore it is no surprise that there were Catholics and Muslims in the same clane. However, that division was beneficial in the time of the kingdom of SHS, but was manifested in Albanian society in that Catholic which Albanians, other than in some trivial functions, were not present. With the arrival of communists in power, what was felt in Kosovo was even stronger. The name itself was stigmatized...

36 "Memorandum SANU": Roots of Greater-Serbian Aggression, Zagreb 1991, p.271.

37 F.W.Schelling, Die Weltalter Urfassungen. Aufl. M. Schroter 1944, p. 11.

Mr. Zdravko Dizdar: Chetnik Genocidal Crimes Against Croatians and Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Against Croatians in Croatia During World War II